Crash Course in Political Science : Mexico’s Congress Has Trouble Adjusting to Newcomers

MEXICO CITY — Mexico is embarked on a painful process of transition from an old political system to a complex new environment where pluralism will be the norm. But the process is not an easy one. Neither the PRI, Mexico’s ruling party for the last 60 years, nor the opposition, new and old, left and right, has ever walked along such a path, nor are they accustomed to the most fundamental rules of the game and the procedures of a democratic process.

This was embarrassingly evident last week when the entire process became mired at a crucial first step: the necessity of the Chamber of Deputies, which sits as the Electoral College, to certify its own election so that it can get on with certifying the election of the new president.

To begin with, few members understand, or are willing to accept, the difference between adversary and enemy; all are behaving as if they were enemies for life rather than politicians representing different constituencies.

The first major source of conflict is the July election results. No party likes what came out of the country’s polling places; all are dissatisfied. Deep down, however, the real problem is that there is no tradition of respect for the electoral processes, so all of the parties behave as if the results are something that can be negotiated in Congress.

Judging from all the complaints filed with the federal election commission, it appears that the July 6 elections were probably the cleanest in Mexico’s modern history. While some of the disputes are justified, most of the quarrels have to do with relatively minor irregularities at individual polling places, which would not alter the overall balance of seats in Congress.

The current political journey is most treacherous, for few in Congress recognize the gravity of the stakes. The Electoral College has been in session since Aug. 15, and by Friday had not approved even 30% of the new Congress. By law, Congress has to be constituted by Aug. 31; it then has up to 60 days to confirm the election of the president, who will take office on Dec 1. Though it is highly unlikely, the possibility of having neither a Congress nor a president by December began to look all too real to people watching events in the Chamber of Deputies over the last two weeks.

Each party has a reason for stalling, but none seem to understand the depth of the problem. The left, split and fragmented, has clearly favored the strategy of delay and paralysis. Paradoxically, given its unanticipated strong showing in the elections, it has not been attempting to negotiate conditions that would allow it to coalesce into a strong opposition on the left in Congress. Its aim seems to be simply to hinder the new Congress from being installed. The PRI, on its part, has been intransigent, voting in the Electoral College as if it still had its 60-year-old monopoly, as if the elections had changed nothing. The net beneficiary of all this is the political force on the right, the PAN (National Action Party).

Forgetting for a moment the presidential contest, which had a logic of its own, the PAN has convincingly become the country’s second party; furthermore, since it has been the only significant opposition party for 50 years, its people are well versed in the parliamentary arts. They will be the most adept in the new era of coalition politics that Mexico now is rapidly entering.

The results of the voting on July 6 show a mature and responsible electorate. Voters did not sack the PRI from the government, but they did strengthen the opposition enough to force rapid political change. Clearly, what Mexico needs now is the development of a true separation of power between the executive and the legislature, each with its own responsibilities and accountable to the people. Negotiations along these lines have been under way for several weeks, but so far with little result.

What most of the country’s political parties do not seem to understand is that Mexicans voted last month for change, not for a constitutional crisis. But old habits die hard. The people who must take Mex ico through that journey of change need a crash course in democratic procedures.